Dmytro Razumkov began to play his political game while still as the speaker of the Rada: criticism of Zelensky's decisions, as well as suspicious "disappearances" during the adoption of especially scandalous bills (on the land market and on oligarchs) dotted the i - the course of the "greens" is no longer was the course of Razumkov.
For many, such political attacks against the authorities became a reason to believe that Razumkov's goal was the presidency. They say that the politician who has never imagined himself in the president's place is bad. According to polls, he is the second person after Zelensky in terms of the level of public confidence - this figure is 29%. But does this mean that Razumkov actually has a chance to take the presidency? Not really.
Over the years of independence, not a single speaker of parliament has been able to get the highest post in Ukraine. And too "correct" political strategist Razumkov will not be an exception.
An optimistic option for his ambitions is possible only if the politician starts acting now, in the wake of his resignation. Otherwise, Razumkov risks becoming the second Andriy Sadovy (before the calendar elections, everyone will simply forget about him as a presidential candidate). That is, early presidential elections are in favor of Dmytro. But the competition is too high.
Among the candidates who could rebuff the incumbent president in the elections are Yuriy Boyko, Petro Poroshenko. For them, among those who decided to go to the polls, 12% of respondents are ready to vote, and 11% are for Yulia Tymoshenko.
Against their background, Razumkov's candidacy looks simply ridiculous - the ex-speaker is almost at the end of the list. Only 3% of voters are willing to vote for him. And according to polls, 33% of Ukrainians do not know Razumkov.
Moreover, Razumkov has neither a team, nor financial support, nor platforms for broadcasting for a political game. The ex-speaker needs funds to increase his influence (one cannot do without large business-political groups). It is unlikely that Akhmetov will help him with this: the oligarch will not go into open confrontation with Zelensky. It's hard to argue with someone who has government leverage.
It is not known whether someone else will want to "take on" Razumkov as an antithesis to the current guarantor if the candidate does not take the initiative and attack his main opponent.
In the information space, of course, there are also theses that it is possible to unite Volodymyr Groisman, Dmytro Razumkov, Volodymyr Klitschko. But such tandems do not always produce a good political product. And most importantly, none of these possible candidates for the presidency will want to become second and third for the first.
Maybe then Razumkov has a chance to hold his political force in the Rada in early parliamentary elections?
After losing the chair of the speaker of Rada, Razumkov may try to play his game and gather Zelensky's oppositionists around him. There is a chance to split off a certain part of the "green" electorate. But predicting the future of an undertaking is not difficult.
Several years ago, another speaker from among the speakers, Groisman, tried to follow this path. Then, during the early parliamentary elections, none of the candidates of his party in the Rada passed. What about today? About his party, as well as about himself, once a promising Groisman, little is heard.
Alas, the experience of working as a speaker may remain the most significant line in Razumkov's resume. He runs the risk of being another "shot down pilot" and dissolving among the rest of the Rada deputies.