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Ukraine's Anticorruptioin Bureau: Clinch between Kolomoisky and Poroshenko

Author : Kyrylo Sazonov

In the last weeks of November the detectives of the National Security Service questioned oligarch Kolomoisky at the Ukrainian Embassy in Switzerland (Bern)
12:34, 22 December 2017

Read the original text at zabeba.li.

Open source

This information was published by Pravda.com.ua with reference to sources familiar with the course of the investigation. It is not difficult to guess who are these sources of Pravda.com.ua – its ex-employees, MPs Leshchenko and Nayem have long been part of the "support group" of the director of the Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) Artem Sytnyk.

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"Greetings" from Bern are not a simple informational injection from the offended oligarch, loyal to Poroshenko's close environment through the NABU. After all, firstly, we are talking about embezzlement of former shareholders of PrivatBank - the largest corruption scandal worth of 6 billion USD. Secondly, the above-mentioned opponents of these shareholders are under investigation - the National Anti-Corruption Bureau suspects the officials of the National Bank of Ukraine of illegally securing refinancing to seven banks during 2014-2015, which led to the waste of 0.5 billion USD. We are talking about banks "KB Pivdenkombank", "Bank Kyivska Rus", "Misky Komerciyny Bank", "Autokrazbank" ("AKB Bank"), Terra Bank, Delta Bank, and Tavrika Bank.

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In fact, NABU received a powerful lever of influence on the long-standing confrontation between Kolomoisky and Poroshenko. Kolomoisky did not forget anything: neither Ukrnafta (returned to the control of the state management), nor the nationalized PrivatBank, nor the increased tariffs for its ferroalloy plants under the formula "Rotterdam +".
For all his financial losses, counted by many billions, he gives the president a really harsh answer.
Almost a year ago, Ukraine was shocked by the coal blockade, organized by deputies Semen Semenchenko and Volodymyr Parasyuk (close to Kolomoisky).

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Few people then drew attention to the fact that the first announcing press conference of the blockade was held on December 18. It was on the day when the final decision was made by the authorities on the nationalization of PrivatBank. Then the blackmail tool did not work, the shareholders of Privat were not released from their obligations to restructure the loan portfolio. However, that blow on Poroshenko was extremely painful. It was reputational and financial blow. Donbas was deprived of anthracite; Ukraine fell into temporary coal dependence on the Russian Federation, lost part of the economy, and suffered hryvnia weakening under the pressure of imports.
Now Semenchenko is busy with another blockade - a terminal of oil products in Novohrad-Volynsky. It has already led to an increase in prices for diesel fuel in the networks of gas stations controlled by the Privat group.

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The struggle against the formula for electricity tariffing for industrial enterprises "Rotterdam +", in which Kolomoisky loses more than 1 billion a year, was led by Semenchenko's party members (Samopomich): Viktoria Voytsitska, a member of the Energy Committee, and Andriy Gerus, ex-member of Energy and Utilities national regulatory commission (NCRECU). Of course, both of them came to politics from IC Concorde Capital, whose owner Ihor Mazepa is a partner of AS PrivatBank, the Latvian daughter of PrivatBank. Gerus even established the Association of Energy Consumers, which regularly floods the information space with energy. The statement after which the investigation of the formula was initiated, was also brought to the NABU by Vitaly Kupriy, a member of the UKROP party.
But Kolomoisky is still losing the main battle – Saakashvili’s Maidan has not developed in the all-Ukrainian rally. September meeting of the oligarch and ambitious governor of Odesa region in Geneva resulted in the pitiful semblance of Antimaydan in the Mariinsky Park, which now irritates not only the locals, but the initiators of the "protest".

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Reformating relationship with the NABU, covering the rear and getting another tool in the multi-level struggle with Bankova is a good option. The temptation for the NABU to be good friends with Kolomoisky against Poroshenko is also great - in terms of these permanent, harassing confrontation with the President’s law enforcers, Artem Sytnyk needs strong points of support. The media and political machine of Igor Kolomoisky would be a good help in this regard.
Only after making a bet on Kolomoisky, the director of NABU can lose a much more significant support - the patronage of the US embassy. Artem Sytnyk has not been fired due to American support. US Ambassador Yovanovitch would not understand the point of Sytnyk’s lobbying of business and political interests of the richest opponent of the current authorities.
Thus, the head of the NABU, Artem Sytnyk, was stuck in the clinch of his obligations. And the attempt to get out of them through public statements on socially approved topics only aggravated the situation. The time when great publicity can replace the unenclosed evidence has passed irretrievably. And the reverse side of publicity is that now any procedural violations by detectives and judicial defeats will also become the subject of a loud public hearing.

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